According to a 2012 study, life expectancy increased during severe economic downturns like the Great Depression in the US from 1929 to 1932 and the crisis in Europe from 2007 to 2009. The authors also demonstrate that in 2009, the European nations with the largest GDP declines Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania saw the fastest increases in life expectancy. These findings may be useful in developing and implementing strategies for prolonging life expectancy without incurring necessary expenses. Laanani's analysis discovered a statistically significant, albeit extremely modest, correlation between suicide rates and unemployment. A "crisis impact" was seen as evidence against a causal influence because it varied across nations. The provision of generous state social and unemployment assistance systems (such in Norway) is found to mitigate the impact of unemployment on suicide rates, though impacts are negligible or ambiguous. Another study that examined the relationships between economic growth and population health for the years 1920 to 1940 by using historical data on mortality and life expectancy discovered no reduction in population health throughout the 1930s. Contrarily, life expectancy increased by many years for men, women, whites, and non-whites during the four years of the Great Depression, 1930–1933, while mortality decreased for nearly all ages. In the years from 1920 to 1940, when the economy was expanding rapidly, mortality tended to peak during those years. The lone exception was an increase in suicide rates throughout the Great Depression. Even though the rate rose, just 2% of deaths were caused by suicide. Although the medical ailment depression is frequently linked to suicides, people without any signs of sadness can also commit themselves. Older men in Norway and other European countries find their lives pointless and have a rate higher than in the working age groups. In contrast, women in rural India commit suicide with pesticides because of poverty and difficult family relationships. Even national numbers may be off when suicide is not acknowledged in society. Due to the Greek Orthodox Church's stance that suicide is an abhorrent moral act and the resulting undercount of suicide cases in public data, a publication avalanche began. When living conditions deteriorated in 2007 due to the economic downturn, this became very apparent. The effect of the crisis on mental health has been discussed in a number of pieces, often through suicide, even though mental health issues are not the main cause of suicide during a crisis. Numerous publications focus on Greece's rising suicide rates after 2008. According to a recent study by the Kentikelenis and Stuckler group, suicide rates increased by 45% between 2007 and 2011, although the accompanying graph shows that the number of suicides among men actually decreased between 2006 and 2007 and increased by 35% between 2007 and 2011, or from 280 to 380. In comparison to Norway, which has less than half the population and nearly double rates without a crisis, the statistics are quite low. It would be incorrect to list all suicides as one of the negative effects of a recession on health. Stuckler examined mortality in urban populations during the Great Depression using a different dataset. Bank closures and income information were related to cause-specific death. By the way, the authors omitted to mention how many bank suspensions were the basis of their analysis. They discovered decreases in all-cause mortality for pulmonary TB, influenza, and pneumonia, but an increase for heart disease, cancer, and diabetes. They contend that the only condition that has a plausible connection to the recent economic shocks is heart disease. But given how complex the idea of heart disease is, it's possible that not even this element can be credibly linked to an economic crisis. Heart disease is the outcome of a long-term increase in the chance of passing away suddenly or gradually. Thus, it may quite accidentally happen during a financial crisis. The proven health effects of a crisis can take a long time to manifest; frequently, years; and hence they may not manifest until the crisis has passed. The cumulative impact of one's health and life conditions both before and after a crisis would be an increase in suicides. There are no studies that separately demonstrate the impact of these two variables. Studies on the health implications of an economic crisis have used some diagnostic entities in an unfavourable way, creating the appearance that there is a causal link between the crisis and the claimed health effects. Correlations are frequently displayed rather than evidence for a psycho-biological interpretation of the results. Different types of diseases grow along different paths. To establish a causal connection between the illness and the economic crisis, correlations must be thoroughly investigated.